Maoist attack kills India police

-Suspected Maoist rebels in India have killed 10 police personnel in the state of Jharkhand, officials say.

The attackers detonated a landmine targeting a police patrol in West Singhbhum district, about 160km (100 miles) from the state capital, Ranchi.

Six other policemen have been injured in the attack, police said.

The rebels are fighting for communist rule in a number of Indian states. More than 6,000 people have died during their 20-year fight.

Senior police official VD Ram said the policemen were returning from a patrol when the attack took place.

Police reinforcements have been sent to the area and a search operation is on.

The Maoists regularly target police and paramilitary troops in the states where they are active.

The rebels say that they are inspired by Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong, and are fighting for better land rights and more jobs for agricultural labourers and the poor.

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Deadly blast hits southern Iraq

-A deadly car bomb has exploded in a crowded market in the southern Iraqi town of Bathaa, killing at least 28 people, say officials.

Dozens of people were reported to have been injured in the mid-morning attack.

The area has been the scene of fierce fighting in the past between rival Shia militia factions.

The attack comes weeks before US forces are due to withdraw from towns and cities in Iraq, leading to concerns that violence could escalate.

Police say the bomb was in a parked car in the town of Bathaa in Dhiqa province, about 320km (200 miles) south-east of Baghdad.

"There was a big explosion, it was an awful incident" said Farhan Fadel, 31, who suffered a broken leg and injured abdomen in the blast.
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Hassan Ali, a 44-year-old grocer, said some of his friends were killed or injured.

"There was smoke everywhere," the AFP news agency quoted him as saying.

There were conflicting reports about casualty figures, with official sources withdrawing their initial statement that 30 people had been killed.

Bathas's mayor, Ali Fahad, said the casualties were being taken to a hospital in Nasiriya, about 30km away.

"Children and women are among the dead," he said.

US withdrawal

Overall, attacks have fallen sharply in Iraq.

But a number of recent blasts in the south have raised fears that sustained violence could return to the area.

The BBC's Nicholas Witchell, in Baghdad, says that because Bathaa is in a Shia area, Sunni insurgent groups linked to al-Qaeda will inevitably be suspected of being behind the blast.

The US plans to withdraw its troops from Iraqi cities and major towns by 30 June, and is due to end combat operations across Iraq by September 2010, leaving Iraqi security forces to cope alone.

There are concerns that insurgents may try to take advantage of the withdrawal, although the country's leaders say Iraqi forces are capable of handling internal security without US support, says our correspondent.

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Background Note: Cambodia

-Geography
Area: 181,040 sq. km. (69,900 sq. mi.); about the size of Missouri.
Cities: Capital--Phnom Penh (pop. 1.3 million), Battambang, Siem Reap, Sihanoukville, Prey Veng, Kompong Cham.
Terrain: Central plain drained by the Tonle Sap (Great Lake) and Mekong and Bassac Rivers. Forests away from the rivers and the lake, mountains in the southwest (Cardamom Mountains) and north (Dangrek Mountains) along the border with Thailand.
Climate: Tropical monsoon with rainy season June-Oct. and dry season Nov.-May.

People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Cambodian(s), Khmer.
Population (2008 census): 13.4 million.
Avg. annual growth rate (2008 census) 1.54%.
Health: Infant mortality rate--58/1,000. Life expectancy--59 years male; 63 years female.
Ethnic groups: Cambodian 90%; Vietnamese 5%; Chinese 1%; others 4%: small numbers of hill tribes, Cham, and Lao.
Religions: Theravada Buddhism 95%; Islam; animism; Christian.
Languages: Khmer (official) spoken by more than 95% of the population; some French still spoken in urban areas; English increasingly popular as a second language.
Education: Years compulsory--nine years. Enrollment--primary school, 92.2%; grades 7 to 9, 34%; grades 10 to 12, 13%; and tertiary, 7%. Completion rates--primary school, 48%; lower secondary school, 21%; upper secondary school, 9%; university, 6%. Literacy (total population over 15 that can read and write, 2007)--74% (male 85%; female 64%).


Government
Type: Multiparty democracy under a constitutional monarchy.
Independence: November 9, 1953.
Constitution: September 24, 1993; amended March 6, 1999 and March 2, 2006.
Branches: Executive--King Sihamoni (head of state since October 29, 2004), prime minister (Hun Sen since January 14, 1985), ten deputy prime ministers, 16 senior ministers, 26 ministers, 206 secretaries of state, and 205 undersecretaries of state. Legislative--National Assembly, consisting of 123 elected members; Senate, consisting of 61 members. Judicial--Supreme Court and lower courts.
Administrative subdivisions: 23 provinces and 1 capital municipality.
Political parties and leaders: Ruling parties--A coalition government of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP), led by Samdech Chea Sim; and the National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), led by Keo Puth Reasmey. The Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP), led by You Hockry is currently non-aligned but has announced it will join in a coalition with FUNCINPEC. Opposition parties--The Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), led by Sam Rainsy; Human Rights Party, led by Kem Sokha.

Economy
GDP (2008): $11.2 billion.
Per capita GDP (2008): $723.
Annual growth rate (2008): 6.5%.
Inflation (2008): 19.7%.
Natural resources: Timber, gemstones, some iron ore, manganese and phosphate, hydroelectric potential from the Mekong River, unknown quantities of oil, gas, and bauxite.
Agriculture (29% of GDP, 2007): About 4,848,000 hectares (12 million acres) are unforested land; all are arable with irrigation, but 2.5 million hectares are cultivated. Products--rice, rubber, corn, meat, vegetables, dairy products, sugar, flour.
Industry (27% of GDP, 2007): Types--garment and shoe manufacturing, rice milling, tobacco, fisheries and fishing, wood and wood products, textiles, cement, some rubber production, paper and food processing.
Services (39% of GDP, 2007): Tourism, telecommunications, transportation, and construction.
Central government budget (2006): Revenues--$814 million; expenditures--$973 million; foreign financing--$213 million.
Trade: Exports ($4.1 billion, 2007)--garments, shoes, cigarettes, natural rubber, rice, pepper, wood, fish. Major partners--United States, Germany, U.K., Singapore, Japan, Vietnam. Imports ($5.4 billion, 2007)--fuels, cigarettes, vehicles, consumer goods, machinery. Major partners--Thailand, Singapore, China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Taiwan, United States.
Economic aid received: Pledges of $698.2 million in grants and concessional loans for calendar year 2007. Major donors--Asian Development Bank (ADB), UN Development Program (UNDP), World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, the EU, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Sweden, Thailand, the U.K., and the U.S.; 100% of the $601 million pledged by donors for 2006 was actually disbursed, according to the Cambodia Aid Effectiveness Report 2007.
Principal foreign commercial investors: Korea, China, Russia, Thailand, the U.S., and Vietnam.
Exchange rate (2007): 4,006 riel per U.S. $1.

GEOGRAPHY
Cambodia is located on mainland Southeast Asia between Thailand to the west and north and Vietnam to the east and southeast. It shares a land border with Laos in the northeast. Cambodia has a sea coast on the Gulf of Thailand. The Dangrek mountain range in the north and Cardamom Mountains in the southwest form natural boundaries. Principal physical features include the Tonle Sap lake and the Mekong and Bassac Rivers. Cambodia remains one of the most heavily forested countries in the region, although deforestation continues at an alarming rate.

PEOPLE AND CULTURE
Ninety percent of Cambodia's population is ethnically Cambodian. Other ethnic groups include Chinese, Vietnamese, hill tribes, Cham, and Lao. Theravada Buddhism is the religion of 95% of the population; Islam, animism, and Christianity also are practiced. Khmer is the official language and is spoken by more than 95% of the population. Some French is still spoken in urban areas, and English is increasingly popular as a second language.

Angkor Wat
Over a period of 300 years, between 900 and 1200 AD, the Khmer Kingdom of Angkor produced some of the world's most magnificent architectural masterpieces on the northern shore of the Tonle Sap, near the present town of Siem Reap. The Angkor area stretches 15 miles east to west and 5 miles north to south. Some 72 major temples or other buildings dot the area. Suryavarman II built the principal temple, Angkor Wat, between 1112 and 1150. With walls nearly one-half mile on each side, Angkor Wat portrays the Hindu cosmology with the central towers representing Mount Meru, home of the gods; the outer walls, the mountains enclosing the world; and the moat, the oceans beyond. Angkor Thom, the capital city built after the Cham sack of 1177, is surrounded by a 300-foot wide moat. Construction of Angkor Thom coincided with a change from Hinduism to Buddhism. Temples were altered to display images of the Buddha, and Angkor Wat became a major Buddhist shrine.

During the 15th century, nearly all of Angkor was abandoned after Siamese attacks. The exception was Angkor Wat, which remained a shrine for Buddhist pilgrims. The great city and temples remained largely cloaked by the forest until the late 19th century when French archaeologists began a long restoration process. Concerned about further destruction and dilapidation of the Angkor complex and cultural heritage, the Cambodian Government in 1995 established the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA) to protect, maintain, conserve, and improve the value of the archaeological park. In December 1995 the World Heritage Committee confirmed Angkor's permanent inscription on the World Heritage List. Tourism is now the second-largest foreign currency earner in Cambodia's economy.

MODERN HISTORY
Although Cambodia had a rich and powerful past under the Hindu state of Funan and the Kingdom of Angkor, by the mid-19th century the country was on the verge of dissolution. After repeated requests for French assistance, a protectorate was established in 1863. By 1884, Cambodia was a virtual colony; soon after it was made part of the Indochina Union with Annam, Tonkin, Cochin-China, and Laos. France continued to control the country even after the start of World War II through its Vichy government. In 1945, the Japanese dissolved the colonial administration, and King Norodom Sihanouk declared an independent, anti-colonial government under Prime Minister Son Ngoc Thanh in March 1945. The Allies deposed this government in October. In January 1953, Sihanouk named his father as regent and went into self-imposed exile, refusing to return until Cambodia gained genuine independence.

Full Independence
Sihanouk's actions hastened the French Government's July 4, 1953 announcement of its readiness to grant independence, which came on November 9, 1953. The situation remained uncertain until a 1954 conference was held in Geneva to settle the French-Indochina war. All participants, except the United States and the State of Vietnam, associated themselves (by voice) with the final declaration. The Cambodian delegation agreed to the neutrality of the three Indochinese states but insisted on a provision in the cease-fire agreement that left the Cambodian Government free to call for outside military assistance should the Viet Minh or others threaten its territory.

Neutral Cambodia
Neutrality was the central element of Cambodian foreign policy during the 1950s and 1960s. By the mid-1960s, parts of Cambodia's eastern provinces were serving as bases for North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong (NVA/VC) forces operating against South Vietnam, and the port of Sihanoukville was being used to supply them. As NVA/VC activity grew, the United States and South Vietnam became concerned, and in 1969, the United States began a series of air raids against NVA/VC base areas inside Cambodia.

Throughout the 1960s, domestic politics polarized. Opposition grew within the middle class and among leftists, including Paris-educated leaders such as Son Sen, Ieng Sary, and Saloth Sar (later known as Pol Pot), who led an insurgency under the clandestine Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK).

The Khmer Republic and the War
In March 1970, Gen. Lon Nol deposed Prince Sihanouk and assumed power. On October 9, the Cambodian monarchy was abolished, and the country was renamed the Khmer Republic. Hanoi rejected the new republic's request for the withdrawal of NVA/VC troops and began to re-infiltrate some of the 2,000-4,000 Cambodians who had gone to North Vietnam in 1954. They became a cadre in the insurgency. The United States moved to provide material assistance to the new government's armed forces, which were engaged against both the Khmer Rouge insurgents and NVA/VC forces. In April 1970, U.S. and South Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in a campaign aimed at destroying NVA/VC base areas. Although a considerable quantity of equipment was seized or destroyed, NVA/VC forces proved elusive and moved deeper into Cambodia. NVA/VC units overran many Cambodian Army positions while the Khmer Rouge expanded their small scale attacks on lines of communication.

The Khmer Republic's leadership was plagued by disunity among its members, the problems of transforming a 30,000-man army into a national combat force of more than 200,000 men, and spreading corruption. The insurgency continued to grow, with supplies and military support provided by North Vietnam. But inside Cambodia, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary asserted their dominance over the Vietnamese-trained communists, many of whom were purged. At the same time, the Khmer Rouge forces became stronger and more independent of their Vietnamese patrons. By 1974, Lon Nol's control was reduced to small enclaves around the cities and main transportation routes. More than 2 million refugees from the war lived in Phnom Penh and other cities.

On New Year's Day 1975, communist troops launched an offensive that, in 117 days of the hardest fighting of the war, destroyed the Khmer Republic. Simultaneous attacks around the perimeter of Phnom Penh pinned down Republican forces, while other Khmer Rouge units overran fire bases controlling the vital lower Mekong resupply route. A U.S.-funded airlift of ammunition and rice ended when Congress refused additional aid for Cambodia. Phnom Penh surrendered on April 17, 1975--5 days after the U.S. mission evacuated Cambodia.

Democratic Kampuchea
Many Cambodians welcomed the arrival of peace, but the Khmer Rouge soon turned Cambodia--which it called Democratic Kampuchea (DK)--into a land of horror. Immediately after its victory, the new regime ordered the evacuation of all cities and towns, sending the entire urban population out into the countryside to till the land. Thousands starved or died of disease during the evacuation. Many of those forced to evacuate the cities were resettled in new villages, which lacked food, agricultural implements, and medical care. Many starved before the first harvest, and hunger and malnutrition--bordering on starvation--were constant during those years. Those who resisted or who questioned orders were immediately executed, as were most military and civilian leaders of the former regime who failed to disguise their pasts.

Within the CPK, the Paris-educated leadership--Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, and Son Sen--was in control, and Pol Pot was made Prime Minister. Prince Sihanouk was put under virtual house arrest. The new government sought to restructure Cambodian society completely. Remnants of the old society were abolished, and Buddhism suppressed.

Agriculture was collectivized, and the surviving part of the industrial base was abandoned or placed under state control. Cambodia had neither a currency nor a banking system. The regime controlled every aspect of life and reduced everyone to the level of abject obedience through terror. Torture centers were established, and detailed records were kept of the thousands murdered there. Public executions of those considered unreliable or with links to the previous government were common. Few succeeded in escaping the military patrols and fleeing the country. Solid estimates of the numbers who died between 1975 and 1979 are not available, but it is likely that hundreds of thousands were brutally executed by the regime. Hundreds of thousands more died from forced labor, starvation, and disease--both under the Khmer Rouge and during the Vietnamese invasion in 1978. Estimates of the dead range from 1.7 million to 3 million, out of a 1975 population estimated at 7.3 million.

Democratic Kampuchea's relations with Vietnam and Thailand worsened rapidly as a result of border clashes and ideological differences. While communist, the CPK was fiercely anti-Vietnamese, and most of its members who had lived in Vietnam were purged. Democratic Kampuchea established close ties with China, and the Cambodian-Vietnamese conflict became part of the Sino-Soviet rivalry, with Moscow backing Vietnam. Border clashes worsened when Democratic Kampuchea's military attacked villages in Vietnam.

In mid-1978, Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia, advancing about 30 miles before the arrival of the rainy season. In December 1978, Vietnam announced formation of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation (KUFNS) under Heng Samrin, a former DK division commander. It was composed of Khmer communists who had remained in Vietnam after 1975 and officials from the eastern sector--like Heng Samrin and Hun Sen--who had fled to Vietnam from Cambodia in 1978. In late December 1978, Vietnamese forces launched a full invasion of Cambodia, capturing Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979 and driving the remnants of Democratic Kampuchea's army westward toward Thailand.

The Vietnamese Occupation
On January 10, 1979, the Vietnamese installed Heng Samrin as head of state in the new People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). The Vietnamese Army continued to pursue Khmer Rouge forces. An estimated 600,000 Cambodians were displaced during the Pol Pot era and the Vietnamese invasion streamed to the Thai border in search of refuge between 1979 and 1981.

The international community responded with a massive relief effort coordinated by the United States through the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Food Program. More than $400 million was provided between 1979 and 1982, of which the United States contributed nearly $100 million.

Vietnam's occupation army of an estimated 180,000 troops was posted throughout the country from 1979 to September 1989. The Heng Samrin regime's 30,000 troops were plagued by poor morale and widespread desertion. Resistance to Vietnam's occupation was extensive. A remainder of the Khmer Rouge's military forces eluded Vietnamese troops and established themselves in remote regions. A non-communist resistance movement consisting of groups that had been fighting the Khmer Rouge after 1975--including Lon Nol-era soldiers--coalesced in 1979-80 to form the Khmer People's National Liberation Armed Forces (KPNLAF), which pledged loyalty to former Prime Minister Son Sann, and Moulinaka (Movement pour la Liberation Nationale de Kampuchea), loyal to Prince Sihanouk. In 1979, Son Sann formed the Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) to lead a political struggle for Cambodia's independence. Prince Sihanouk formed his own organization, National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), and its military arm, the Armee Nationale Sihanoukienne (ANS) in 1981.

Within Cambodia, Vietnam had only limited success in establishing its client Heng Samrin regime, which was dependent on Vietnamese advisers at all levels. Security in some rural areas was tenuous, and major transportation routes were subject to interdiction by resistance forces. The presence of Vietnamese throughout the country and their intrusion into nearly all aspects of Cambodian life alienated much of the populace. The settlement of Vietnamese nationals, both former residents and new immigrants, further exacerbated anti-Vietnamese sentiment. Reports of the numbers involved vary widely, with some estimates as high as 1 million. By the end of the decade, Khmer nationalism began to reassert itself against the traditional Vietnamese enemy. In 1986, Hanoi claimed to have begun withdrawing part of its occupation forces. At the same time, Vietnam continued efforts to strengthen its client regime, the PRK, and its military arm, the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF). These withdrawals continued over the next 2 years, and the last Vietnamese troops left Cambodia in September 1989.

Peace Efforts
From July 30 to August 30, 1989, representatives of 18 countries, the four Cambodian parties, and the UN Secretary General met in Paris in an effort to negotiate a comprehensive settlement. They hoped to achieve those objectives seen as crucial to the future of post-occupation Cambodia--a verified withdrawal of the remaining Vietnamese occupation troops, the prevention of the return to power of the Khmer Rouge, and genuine self-determination for the Cambodian people. A comprehensive settlement was agreed upon on August 28, 1990.

Cambodia's Renewal
On October 23, 1991, the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement giving the UN full authority to supervise a cease-fire, repatriate the displaced Khmer along the border with Thailand, disarm and demobilize the factional armies, and prepare the country for free and fair elections. Prince Sihanouk, President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia (SNC), and other members of the SNC returned to Phnom Penh in November 1991, to begin the resettlement process in Cambodia. The UN Advance Mission for Cambodia (UNAMIC) was deployed at the same time to maintain liaison among the factions and begin demining operations to expedite the repatriation of approximately 370,000 Cambodians from Thailand.

On March 16, 1992, the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) arrived in Cambodia to begin implementation of the UN Settlement Plan. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees began full scale repatriation in March 1992. UNTAC grew into a 22,000-strong civilian and military peacekeeping force to conduct free and fair elections for a constituent assembly.

Over 4 million Cambodians (about 90% of eligible voters) participated in the May 1993 elections, although the Khmer Rouge or Party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK), whose forces were never actually disarmed or demobilized, barred some people from participating. Prince Ranariddh's FUNCINPEC Party was the top vote recipient with a 45.5% vote, followed by Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party and the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party, respectively. FUNCINPEC then entered into a coalition with the other parties that had participated in the election. The parties represented in the 120-member assembly proceeded to draft and approve a new constitution, which was promulgated September 24, 1993. It established a multiparty liberal democracy in the framework of a constitutional monarchy, with the former Prince Sihanouk elevated to King. Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen became First and Second Prime Ministers, respectively, in the Royal Cambodian Government (RGC). The constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights.

In 1997, most of the remaining Khmer Rouge fighters accepted a government amnesty and laid down their arms, putting an end to nearly three decades of war. On October 4, 2004, the Cambodian National Assembly ratified an agreement with the United Nations on the establishment of a tribunal to try senior leaders responsible for the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge. The tribunal opened its first trial, against former S-21 prison chief Kaing Guek Eav (aka Duch), on March 30, 2009. Four more former Khmer Rouge leaders remain in custody awaiting trial. Donor countries have provided over $68 million to date in support of the tribunal, and in September 2008, the United States pledged $1.8 million.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Cambodia is a constitutional monarchy, and its constitution provides for a multiparty democracy. The Royal Government of Cambodia, formed on the basis of elections internationally recognized as free and fair, was established on September 24, 1993.

The executive branch comprises the king, who is head of state; an appointed prime minister; ten deputy prime ministers, 16 senior ministers, 26 ministers, 206 secretaries of state, and 205 undersecretaries of state. The bicameral legislature consists of a 123-member elected National Assembly and a 61-member Senate. The judiciary includes a Supreme Court, lower courts, and an internationalized court with jurisdiction over the serious crimes of the Khmer Rouge era. Administrative subdivisions are 23 provinces and 1 municipality.

Compared to its recent past, the 1993-2003 period was one of relative stability for Cambodia. However, political violence continued to be a problem. In 1997, factional fighting between supporters of Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen broke out, resulting in more than 100 FUNCINPEC deaths and a few Cambodian People's Party (CPP) casualties. Some FUNCINPEC leaders were forced to flee the country, and Hun Sen took over as Prime Minister. FUNCINPEC leaders returned to Cambodia shortly before the 1998 National Assembly elections. In those elections, the CPP received 41% of the vote, FUNCINPEC 32%, and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) 13%. Due to political violence, intimidation, and lack of media access, many international observers judged the elections to have been seriously flawed. The CPP and FUNCINPEC formed another coalition government, with CPP the senior partner. Cambodia's first commune elections, held in February 2002 to select chiefs and members of 1,621 commune (municipality) councils, also were marred by political violence and fell short of being free and fair by international standards.

National Assembly elections in July 2003 failed to give any one party the two-thirds majority of seats required under the constitution to form a government. A political stalemate ensued which was not resolved until July 8, 2004, when the National Assembly approved a controversial addendum to the constitution in order to require a vote on a new government. The vote took place on July 15, and the National Assembly approved a new coalition government comprised of the CPP and FUNCINPEC, with Hun Sen as Prime Minister and Prince Norodom Ranariddh as President of the National Assembly. The SRP, with support from various non-governmental organizations (NGOs), asserted the addendum was unconstitutional and boycotted the vote.

On October 7, 2004, King Sihanouk abdicated the throne due to illness. On October 14, the Cambodian Throne Council selected Prince Norodom Sihamoni to succeed Sihanouk as King. King Norodom Sihamoni officially ascended the throne in a coronation ceremony on October 29, 2004.

In February 2005, the National Assembly voted to lift the parliamentary immunity of three opposition parliamentarians, including SRP leader Sam Rainsy, in connection with lawsuits filed against them by members of the ruling parties. One of the parliamentarians, Cheam Channy, was arrested and later tried, while Sam Rainsy went into self-imposed exile. In October 2005, the government arrested critics of Cambodia's border treaties with Vietnam and later detained four human rights activists following International Human Rights Day in December. In January 2006, the political climate improved with the Prime Minister's decision to release all political detainees and permit Sam Rainsy's return to Cambodia.

Following public criticism by Hun Sen, Prince Ranariddh resigned as President of the National Assembly in March 2006. He later broke with FUNCINPEC and founded a new party, the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP). In 2007, Ranariddh was convicted of corruption by a Cambodian court and fled to Malaysia to avoid imprisonment. In October 2008, he received a royal pardon and returned to Cambodia. Shortly afterward, he announced that he was withdrawing from politics.

Cambodia's second commune elections were held in April 2007, followed by National Assembly elections in July 2008. In both cases, there was little of the pre-election violence that preceded the 2002 and 2003 elections. Both polls resulted in victories for the Cambodian People's Party, with the Sam Rainsy Party emerging as the main opposition party and the royalist parties showing weakening support. The new Assembly inaugurated in September 2008 is led by a coalition of the CPP (90 seats) and FUNCINPEC (2 seats). The NRP (2 seats) does not identify itself with either the government or the opposition, but has announced its intention to ally with FUNCINPEC. The SRP (26 seats) and the Human Rights Party led by Kem Sokha (3 seats) are in opposition. The CPP-led coalition retained Hun Sen as Prime Minister, as well as most of the key leaders from the previous government, and all ministers are from the CPP.

In May 2009, non-universal elections were held when commune council members chose representatives to district councils, city councils, and provincial councils, which will have administrative and budgetary powers at the local level.

The 1993 constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights, including freedom of the press. While freedom of the press has improved markedly in Cambodia since the adoption of the constitution, limitations still exist on mass media. Much of the written press, while considered largely free, has ties to individual political parties or factions and does not seek to provide objective reporting or analysis. Cambodia has an estimated 25 Khmer-language newspapers that are published regularly. Of these, eight are published daily. There are two major English-language newspapers, one of which is produced daily. Broadcast media, in contrast to print, is more closely controlled. It tends to be politically affiliated, and access for opposition parties is extremely limited.

Principal Government Officials
King and Head of State--His Majesty Norodom Sihamoni
Prime Minister and Head of Government--Hun Sen
President of the Senate--Chea Sim
President of National Assembly--Heng Samrin

Cambodia's embassy in the United States is located at 4530 16th Street NW, Washington DC 20011; tel: (202) 726-7742; fax: (202) 726-8381.

ECONOMY
From 2004-2007, the Cambodian economy expanded by more than 10% per year, with the garment sector and the tourism industry driving the growth, and inflation remaining relatively low. Growth slowed in 2008 with the onset of the global recession, and rising food and fuel prices pushed inflation into double digits. The economy is heavily dollarized; the dollar and riel can be used interchangeably. Cambodia remains heavily reliant on foreign assistance--about half of the central government budget depends on donor assistance. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased 12-fold since 2004 as sound macroeconomic policies, political stability, regional economic growth, and government openness towards investment attract growing numbers of investors.

Manufacturing output is concentrated in the garment sector, and garments dominate Cambodia's exports, especially to the U.S. The industry expanded rapidly from the mid-1990s until 2008, employing 350,000 workers and generating $3 billion in annual revenue at its peak. However, the global economic slowdown caused a drop in demand, resulting in over 50,000 workers being laid off in late 2008 and early 2009. Tourism, Cambodia’s other main foreign currency earner, has also been hurt by the global downturn. The number of tourists coming to Cambodia increased to approximately two million in 2008. However, in the first half of 2009 the industry contracted more than 15%. The service sector is heavily concentrated in trading activities and catering-related services. Exploratory drilling for oil and natural gas began in 2005. It is not yet clear if commercial extraction is viable or how large Cambodia's reserves are. If viable, commercial extraction is likely to start early in the next decade.

In spite of recent progress, the Cambodian economy continues to suffer from the legacy of decades of war and internal strife. Per capita income and education levels are lower than in most neighboring countries. Infrastructure remains inadequate, although road networks are improving rapidly. Most rural households depend on agriculture and its related subsectors. Corruption and lack of legal protections for investors continue to hamper economic opportunity and competitiveness. The economy also has a poor track record in creating jobs in the formal sector, and the challenge will only become more daunting in the future since 50% of the population is under 20 years of age and large numbers of job seekers will begin to enter the work force over the next 10 years.

FOREIGN RELATIONS
Cambodia has established diplomatic relations with most countries, including the United States. The country is a member of most major international organizations, including the UN and its specialized agencies, and became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1998.

Cambodia is a member of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). On October 13, 2004, Cambodia became the 148th member of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

U.S.-CAMBODIAN RELATIONS
In the past three years, bilateral relations between the U.S. and Cambodia have deepened and broadened. With the lifting of a congressional ban to provide direct assistance to the Cambodian Government, more direct technical assistance has become feasible. U.S. assistance to Cambodia administered by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) mission in 2008 totaled over $57 million for programs in health, education, governance, and economic growth.

The U.S. supports efforts in Cambodia to combat terrorism, reduce the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, build democratic institutions, promote human rights, foster economic development, eliminate corruption, achieve the fullest possible accounting for Americans missing from the Indochina conflict, and to bring to justice those most responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed under the Khmer Rouge regime.

Between 1955 and 1963, the United States provided $409.6 million in economic grant aid and $83.7 million in military assistance. This aid was used primarily to repair damage caused by Cambodia's war of independence from France, to support internal security forces, and for the construction of an all-weather road to the seaport of Sihanoukville, which gave Cambodia its first direct access to the sea and access to the southwestern hinterlands. Relations deteriorated in the early 1960s. Diplomatic relations were broken by Cambodia in May 1965, but were reestablished on July 2, 1969. U.S. relations continued after the establishment of the Khmer Republic until the U.S. mission was evacuated on April 12, 1975. During the 1970-75 war, the United States provided $1.18 billion in military assistance and $503 million in economic assistance. The United States condemned the brutal character of the Khmer Rouge regime between 1975 and 1979. The United States opposed the subsequent military occupation of Cambodia by Vietnam, and supported ASEAN's efforts in the 1980s to achieve a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. This was accomplished on October 23, 1991, when the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement.

The U.S. Mission in Phnom Penh opened on November 11, 1991, headed by career diplomat Charles H. Twining, Jr., who was designated U.S. Special Representative to the SNC. On January 3, 1992, the U.S. lifted its embargo against Cambodia, thus normalizing economic relations with the country. The United States also ended blanket opposition to lending to Cambodia by international financial institutions. When the freely elected Royal Government of Cambodia was formed on September 24, 1993, the United States and the Kingdom of Cambodia immediately established full diplomatic relations. The U.S. Mission was upgraded to a U.S. Embassy, and in May 1994 Mr. Twining became the U.S. Ambassador. After the factional fighting in 1997 and Hun Sen's legal machinations to depose First Prime Minister Ranariddh, the United States suspended bilateral assistance to the Cambodian Government. At the same time, many U.S. citizens and other expatriates were evacuated from Cambodia and, in the subsequent weeks and months, more than 40,000 Cambodian refugees fled to Thailand. The 1997 events also left a long list of uninvestigated human rights abuses, including dozens of extra-judicial killings. From 1997 until the lifting of legislative restrictions on bilateral assistance in 2007, U.S. assistance to the Cambodian people was provided mainly through non-governmental organizations, which flourish in Cambodia.

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PetroVietnam Seeks Oil Investment in Cambodia

A Vietnamese petroleum company is seeking an investment opportunity in Cambodia's oil exploration, said a senior government official on Tuesday.

Pen Ngoeun, advisor to the Cambodian government said that Dinh La Thang, chairman of PetroVietnam, on Tuesday met with Sok An, deputy prime minister and minister of the Council of Ministers, expressing his company's interest in investing in oil exploration in Cambodia.

He said Sok An, in response, welcomed the move, but suggested more study and discussions be made with Cambodian National Petroleum Authority before making into any agreement.

Many international petroleum companies, including the U.S. Chevron Corp, Polytec, Medco, Kuwait Energy and CNOOC, expressed their interests in putting investments in the sector after this country had revealed to the public of its available national resources in oil and gas in its offshore in the Gulf of Thailand.

Ho Vichet, vice chairman of the Cambodian National Petroleum Authority said last year that Cambodia's expectation of its first oil development before 2010 was unlikely due to the slow submission of a development plan by the U.S. giant Chevron Corp.

He said Cambodia permitted Chevron to exploit the country's offshore Block A, one of several blocks, to do more exploration and appraisal.

According to Vichet, Chevron operates the block A with a 55 percent interest, while Mitsui Oil Exploration holds a 30 percent and South Korea's GS Caltex a 15 percent stake.

Cambodia has earlier estimated its oil production would reach 400-600 million barrels, but have later turned down their estimates saying it was too early to speculate the outcome before a business gets started.

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SKorean firm to invest $150m in corn plant [-More evictions for land concession on the way?]

KOGID Cambodia to grow and process corn to produce animal feed for export, it says, as part of long-term investment

THE Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries said Monday that South Korea's KOGID Cambodia plans to invest US$150 million to grow and process corn for animal feed to be sold overseas.

Chan Tong Yves, secretary of state who is in charge of investments at the ministry, told the Post on Monday that the company has long-term investment plans for the Kingdom and would buy from the four top producing provinces.

Chan Tong Yves said KOGID plans to purchase 70,000 to 150,000 tonnes of corn this year from Battambang, Pailin, Kampong Cham and Kandal provinces, and will build corn-drying machines.

"We welcome this plan because it will help create markets for Cambodian corn, which we have had trouble finding," Chan Tong Yves said.

"Our farmers only sell corn to Thailand and Vietnam, and these markets are unpredictable. Sometimes they buy, but sometimes they don't," he added.

According to a report from the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, in 2008-09 Cambodia harvested 611,865 tonnes of corn from 163,106 hectares of land.

Battambang province was the leading producer with a yield of 432,966 tonnes.

Pailin province followed, producing 51,302 tonnes, Kampong Cham province 39,245 tonnes and Kandal province 23,610 tonnes.

Tong Savuth, manager of KOGID Cambodia Co Ltd, confirmed on Monday the total investment.

But he added that the company would invest only $38 million from 2009 to 2012 as part of the first phase.

"We will encourage the government to give us land concessions ... after 2012."

"We are trying to contact brokers to buy corn from farmers in the four provinces for $200 to $210 per tonne for dried corn," he said.

Oung Savuth said his company would buy between 70,000 and 100,000 tonnes from farmers to export to South Korea in 2009.

In 2010 he plans to sign contracts to procure corn from Cambodian farmers, he added.

Oung Savuth also said that to ensure smooth exports in 2010, the company would spend $1.8 million to build three drying machines, each able to dry 500 tonnes of corn per day in Battambang province.

A multi-million dollar storehouse would also be constructed to facilitate sea exportation, he said.

"We will encourage the government to give us land concessions to grow corn after 2012 by providing houses, water and electricity, and building markets and schools and hospitals for our workers by following the same model as the Mong Reththy Group," Oung Savuth said.

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Intimidation claimed at lake

The Phnom Penh Post

A guesthouse near Boeung Kak lake that was set to host a meeting this Friday between residents, human rights groups and officials was briefly closed by police Monday in what critics of lakeside development say is part of an ongoing scare campaign by authorities.

"I led a mixed committee of police to close the Lazy Fish Restaurant and Guesthouse completely, because this restaurant and guesthouse had a business licence that had expired a few months ago," Daun Penh district Deputy Governor Sok Penhvuth told the Post.

By Monday night, however, the guest house was again taking reservations, workers said.

Many Boeung Kak lake residents say the sudden interest in the Lazy Fish's business was not a routine check, but rather one of the intimidation tactics designed to prevent a meeting that would highlight rights issues surrounding the filling in of the lake.

"They knew that the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights [CCHR] rented this guesthouse to organise a meeting. Police told me that the NGO does not a have a permission letter from City Hall and, if I agreed to rent the place, they would close the guesthouse," a Lazy Fish staff member who declined to give her name told the Post.

After the owners were threatened, they informed the meeting organisers that they could not host the event at their venue, the Lazy Fish staff member said.

Boeung Kak lake resident Be Pharom, 57, said the police presence Monday morning was not just targeted at the guesthouse but was also meant to send a message to lake residents still trying to stop local developer Shukaku Inc from building on the lake, a project that will displace thousands.

"Now, because of the authorities, we are afraid the police will arrest us if we join the public forum," she said.

"[The authorities] do not really care about closing the guesthouse, but they need to make the owner cooperate," she added.

Chhim Savuth, a project coordinator for the CCHR, said that even though the Lazy Fish received threats, a meeting will still take place Friday at another location.

He added that police claims that a permission letter was needed are incorrect.

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EU head Barroso seeks second term

-Jose Manuel Barroso has declared his candidacy for a second five-year term as the European Commission's president.

Mr Barroso was formally asked to stand again by Czech PM Jan Fischer during talks in Brussels following the results of the European Parliament elections.

Correspondents say his position has been strengthened by the strong showing of centre-right parties which back him.

The former Portuguese prime minister has led the European Commission, the EU's executive body, since 2004.

The leaders of all 27 member states and a majority of the European Parliament must agree on the choice of a new commission president.

Some countries hope to achieve this before a summit in Brussels next week, but Mr Barroso's current term does not end until October.

'Strong commission'

Speaking at a news conference on Tuesday, Mr Barroso said he was honoured to have been asked to declare his candidacy by Mr Fischer. The Czech Republic currently holds the rotating presidency of the European Council, which represents member states.

I have agreed to this request," he said.

Mr Barroso, 53, said he had long hoped for a second term, but warned he would only accept the job if everyone endorsed his vision for the continent.

"This acceptance pre-supposes that the European Council and European Parliament embrace the ambitious programme that I will propose for Europe for the next five years," he said.

"I believe that in time of crisis, we need a strong commission and a strong European Union," he added. "We need ambition and European commitment."

Mr Barroso said he would be looking for endorsement of the commission's proposals for regulation of the financial industry, dealing with unemployment and fighting climate change.

He also wants new guarantees to reassure Irish voters about the Lisbon Treaty approved ahead of a second referendum in October.

Mr Fischer said he would discuss Mr Barroso's candidacy with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at talks in Berlin later on Tuesday, before speaking with other EU leaders either in person or by telephone.

'No credible alternative'

The BBC's Dominic Hughes in Brussels says that with the results of last week's elections confirming the centre-right European People's Party (EPP) will remain the biggest bloc in the new parliament, the road seems clear for Mr Barroso to secure a second term.

He has already won the backing of a number of leaders from member states, including centre-left heads of government in the UK, Spain and Portugal.

But some Green MEPs, as well as those from the left, have been highly critical.

They want to see more social welfare measures, and accuse Mr Barroso of a lack of ambition. They also do not like Mr Barroso's emphasis on a business-friendly, free-market orientated European Commission.

But, our correspondent says, no credible alternative candidate to replace him at the top of the EU's executive arm has emerged - and Mr Barroso now seems almost certain to win the necessary support.

In last week's elections, centre-right parties did well in France, Germany, Italy and Poland, where they are in government, but also in the UK, Spain and Portugal, where they are in opposition.

Far-right and nationalist parties also won seats, among them the British National Party, which won two seats - its first ever in a nationwide election. But the parties failed to achieve the surge in support that some observers had forecast.

Greens also made gains - the Green-European Freedom Alliance bloc has so far taken 52 seats, compared with 43 in the last assembly.

However, turnout figures plunged to 43% - the lowest since direct elections to the parliament began 30 years ago.

Mr Barroso told reporters on Tuesday that European voters had "sent a clear message to their leaders and they are being heard".

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North Korea increases its leverage

-The sentencing of Laura Ling and Euna Lee, two young American journalists, to 12 years of hard labour in North Korea has greatly complicated the Obama administration's attempts to pressure Pyongyang into giving up its nuclear weapons.

Kim Jong-il and Barack Obama
Kim Jong-il now has more leverage in talks with the US

Washington had so far responded to the communist country's increasingly shrill tone and military posturing by warning of consequences and seeking a unified, tough response from the international community, including tougher sanctions

But as it seeks the safe and swift return of the two women, Washington now has to re-examine its options.


On Sunday, Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, said the administration was looking into whether to put North Korea back on the list of state sponsors of terrorism and she warned of further pressure, which Washington has been seeking through the UN Security Council.

Used as bait

Speaking on the American TV network ABC, she said: "We will do everything we can to both interdict it and prevent it and shut off their flow of money," a reference to possible attempts by North Korea to ship nuclear material.

But by Monday, the focus was on expressing concern for the two women and calling for their return.

"We think the imprisonment, trial and sentencing of Laura and Euna should be viewed as a humanitarian matter," said the US Secretary of State.

"We hope that the North Koreans will grant clemency and deport them." Washington insists that the case of the two journalists is a humanitarian issue and should not be linked to negotiations with North Korea on the country's disputed nuclear programme.

But that appears to be exactly what Pyongyang is trying to achieve, using the two women as bait to draw Washington to the negotiating table and impose its own terms on talks about its nuclear activities.

Kim Jong-il, the ailing leader of the reclusive communist country, has been flexing his muscles with nuclear tests and missile launches, partly to assert himself internally amidst reports of possible preparations for a succession, but also to improve his negotiating position in any upcoming talks.

The "Dear Leader", as he is referred to by his people, likes the world to come to him and is probably hoping that the US will send a high-level envoy.

Treading carefully

In the 1990s, then-congressman Bill Richardson negotiated the release of two Americans.

Mr Richardson, now governor of New Mexico, said he had been approached for advice by this administration.

"In previous instances where I was involved in negotiating, you could not get this started until the legal process had ended," Mr Richardson said in a televised interview on the American NBC network.

Journalists Euna Lee (L) and Laura Ling
The reporters were held while working on the China-North Korea border

"What we would try to seek would be some kind of a political pardon, some kind of a respite from the legal proceedings."

Another possible negotiator is former Vice President Al Gore, who founded the TV venture for which both reporters work.

While it now appears to be only a question of time until an envoy is despatched, the Obama administration is treading carefully.

"If the Obama administration sends an envoy now to negotiate the release of the prisoners, it's highly likely that North Korea will want to discuss everything," Nicholas Szechenyi from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

"So that individual, whoever it may be, will have to have something in response to the North Korean demands on the nuclear side."

The de-nuclearisation of North Korea is the ultimate goal and everybody agrees that it will require talks.

But up until the sentencing of the two journalists, Washington was taking its time, using pressure to get Pyongyang in line.

With the quick and safe return of Ms Lee and Ms Ling now also a priority, it is likely that the pace of diplomacy will have to pick up.

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HIV in South Africa 'levels off'

South Africa's HIV epidemic has levelled off at an infection rate of 10.9% for those aged two or older, according to a new study.

The survey also suggests the rate of infection in children and teenagers could be falling.

This could be partly attributed to increased use of condoms, it says.

But the survey warned that the overall situation remained "dire". South Africa has the world's largest HIV-positive population, at 5.5 million.

Women aged between 20 and 34 continued to be the worst affected, with 33% carrying HIV, the report by the Human Sciences Research Council said.

Olive Shisana, an author of the study of 20,826 people released on Tuesday, said there were "promising findings of a changing pattern of HIV infection among children and youth".

"The good news is that the change in HIV prevalence in children is most likely attributable to the successful implementation of several HIV-prevention interventions," she said.

Challenges

In children aged 2-14, HIV prevalence had dropped from 5.6% in 2002 to 2.5% in 2008, the report said.

There was also a fall in new infections among teenagers aged 15-19The overall level of HIV infection in those aged two and over, at 10.9%, had moved little.

In 2002 the figure was 10.8% and in 2005 11.4%. Reports of condom use were sharply up among young people.

In 2002 57% of men aged 15-24 said they used a condom at their last sexual encounter - a figure which rose to 87% in 2008.

The figure for women in the same age group rose from 46% to 73%.

"There is clearly light at the end of the tunnel," said Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi. "There is real light."

However, the survey also listed a series of challenges, including a rise in the number of those who have many sexual partners and an increase in HIV prevalence among 15-49 year-olds in some provinces.

Fraser McNeill, an anthropologist at the London School of Economics who has studied HIV/Aids among South Africa's Venda ethnic group, told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme that the report was "great news" if the statistics were reliable.

But he cautioned that programmes to tackle HIV could run up against cultural obstacles.

"I found ways in which Aids intervention programmes are implemented are counterproductive," he said.

"People on the ground often believe that condoms actually cause Aids, and the women who are involved in the process of Aids education are often framed as vectors of the virus."

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A Short History of Cambodia

The intention of this short history of Cambodia is to help those who are unfamiliar with Cambodia, to understand its history of civil unrest and the power struggle to control Cambodia which has resulted in much political instability. The conflict has cost millions of lives, and has left Cambodian people living with an uncertain future.

We all tend to focus on our own problems, and sometimes we do not want to get involved in other's affairs, as long as we can live in peace and comfort. For this reason, in addition to geographical distance, some people may know of Cambodia but probably do not know very much about its internal conflicts. Cambodia once was a huge empire at the peak of civilization in Southeast Asia, but now it has shrunk to a small country. Today, even the monuments of Angkor Wat that used to stand and testify to the greatness of Cambodia's culture and the national symbol are in ruin. An ancestral prophecy predicted that one day the unfortunate Khmer people will be forced to choose between being “eaten by tigers or swallowed by crocodiles.” Today we are seeing that prophecy fulfilled in the most tragic way possible. The Cambodian people are on the brink of extinction, dying a slow death, murdered in the name of dominant power in the region.

Building the road to tranquility for Cambodia might be impossible as long as China and Vietnam persist in dominating Cambodia for their own benefits. On the other hand from the past to the present the Cambodian leaders fail to make a compromise to share power with others in a democratic way, and most importantly the Cambodians themselves show inability of forgiving each other and the willingness to accept national reconciliation.

First, it is necessary to establish an understanding of Cambodia's background and her people. The name of the country has been changed many times in the past three decades. Today the country is known as Cambodia in English or Cambodge in French, and the people are called Cambodians. However, the Cambodian people prefer to be called Khmer which means “hill" (referring to the greatness and unity) as it is their original name. The country is known to Khmers as Kampuchea or Srok Khmer rather than Cambodia. On the contrary, Cambodia is well known to the world community.

The vast majority of Khmer people themselves belong to the Mon-Khmer ethnic group. The Khmer people are a mixture of various ethnic groups that have intermarried throughout the centuries. The Khmer civilization was dominated by the Hindu-Buddhist, kingdoms of Funan, and Chenla. In the late 6th and early 7th centuries, the Chenla kingdom established sovereignty over the Funan kingdom. Under the leadership of King Jaya-warman II and Suya-warman II, they built their capital in the Angkor region between the 9th and 12th centuries. The Khmer people are so proud of their ancestors that built one of the world's greatest monuments. Angkor Wat is sometimes called the eighth wonder of the world. Angkor Wat is a group of temples that consists of elaborately carved stone of pyramids and towers.



Throughout history, Cambodia has endured numerous civil wars and battles against its neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam. Nonetheless, Cambodia also wanted to be a dominant state. In 1113, King Suya-warman II annexed the Champa kingdom to vassal status when the Cham (Muslim Cham) king did not want to cooperate in the campaign against the Vietnamese state farther north. Khmer leaders have always been in conflict about how to rule the country. Their domestic hostility with one another led to an accession of weak rulers that left Khmers exposed to threats from their neighbors.

From the 13th to the end of the 14th century, the repeated Thai incursions compelled Khmers to abandon their capital city of Angkor Wat, and Khmers were forced into slavery. Four hundred years later, it was recaptured. Then, the Angkor region was named as Siem Reap Province to remind all Khmers of how their ancestors suffered defeat by the Thais. Siem Reap means “Khmers living under Thai's repression.” With Japan backing them in 1940, the Thais seized Cambodia's north-western provinces.

In the early 17th century, King Chey Cheatha II wanted to build up friendship with Vietnam by marrying a Vietnamese princess. The Vietnamese rulers demanded the right for Vietnamese to settle in Kampuchea Krom. Kampuchea Krom is the lower part of Cambodia that lies along the Mekong River which once was Funan kingdom, and now is a large part of South Vietnam. Upon his wife's request, King Chey Cheatha II also allowed Vietnamese troops to be stationed in the Khmer town of Pery Nokor. Soon, Pery Nokor became the South Vietnamese's capital city of Saigon. King Chey Cheatha II was viewed by most Khmers as a traitor for his role in giving Cambodia's land for a Vietnamese wife.

For generations, Khmers are reminded not to forget Kampuchea Krom and the "Tek Te Ong" (grandfather tea). The grandfather tea is the name for the way the Vietnamese tortured and killed Khmers. They buried and burned them alive, using their heads as stoves to make tea. There is a saying, "the relationship between Vietnamese and Khmers is like mixing oil with water,” and Khmers should not abandon this lesson, for the Vietnamese will not give up their hypocrisy.

Historically, all Khmers leaders have always found ways to save Cambodia from being erased from the world map by either internal conflict or invasions. In 1841-1859, King Ang Duong pleaded with the French to save Cambodia from being absorbed by Vietnam and Thailand.

Under the leadership of King Norodom (Prince Norodom Sihanuk's forefather) in 1864, the political stability was restored with the establishment of a French Protectorate that lasted until after World War II. During World War II, the Japanese occupied Cambodia but left the French administration intact.

It was for an economic reason that in 1884, the French forced King Norodom at gun point to make Cambodia its colony. Instead of saving Cambodia from being swallowed up by Vietnam and Thailand, the French sliced up Khmer lands such as Kampuchea Krom and handed it over to Cambodia's former enemies. The French also brought Vietnamese settlers to take over the Khmer administration and economy.

In 1941 the French installed 18-year-old Prince Norodom Sihanuk on the Cambodian throne, so they could have influence over this young Prince. Unfortunately, Prince Sihanuk gave up his throne and united with other Khmer activists, agreeing that Cambodia should be freed from French colonization.

In 1954, Cambodia had claimed its independence from France and became a neutral and peaceful country. However, this peace was short lived. Between 1967 and early 1969, Prince Sihanuk struggled to keep the U.S -Vietnam war from engulfing Cambodia. The United States asked Sihanuk if he would allow the United States military to be stationed in Cambodia, to drive out the North (Communist) Vietnamese who had stayed inside Cambodia escaping the U.S bombardment. In return, the United States would help rebuild Cambodia but Sihanuk refused to cooperate.

On March18, 1970, General Lon Nol toppled Prince Sihanuk while the Prince was on foreign visits. Lon Nol accused Sihanuk of being aligned with communist China and North Vietnam, whereas Sihanuk accused Lon Nol of being power and money thirsty. "To survive, Lon Nol turned Cambodia's neutrality into anti-communism and Cambodia suddenly found herself trapped in an expanding war, both civil and foreign. Two months after Sihanuk was ousted, "the United States and South Vietnam invaded Cambodia to help Lon Nol" to drive out the North Vietnamese and Khmer communist revolutionaries known as Khmer Rouge.

On April17, 1975, the United States and its backed regime in Phnom Penh were defeated and the Khmer Rouge came to power. The Cambodians were hoping that they would again enjoy peace but that hope was completely dashed. People were evacuated from cities and personal rights were taken away. Even Prince Sihanuk himself, who joined the revolution after he was ousted in hope of regaining his one-man rule, was placed under house arrest.

During the so called "reign of terror", thousands of Cambodians were executed. They were killed either by starvation, illness or even political persecution if they were suspected to be linked with the Vietnamese, CIA or KGB. Some were probably killed by social class vengeance (poor against rich), or by Vietnamese agents, who wanted to undermine the Khmer Rouge government in an attempt to overthrow the regime. One thing was clear though, if people opposed "Ongka" (the authority of organization) they would face the death penalty. Many Cambodian leaders and the other leaders were also held responsible for the killings, but the Khmer Rouge was singled out because it was in charge. Years of misery were ended by Vietnam invasion. Nonetheless, all Cambodian governments in the past have perpetrated, in one way or another, some form of crimes against their own people where only the magnitude of the crimes varied.

For decades, Cambodia and Vietnam have been in dispute over land and borders. Vietnam is perceived by many Cambodians as a country that envies Cambodia's resources and prosperity. Just days after the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) government was formed in April 1975, Vietnam invaded Cambodia's sea and captured two islands, which were believed to be Cambodia's oil resources. Under the United Nations agreement, however, Vietnam was forced to retreat within 24 hours. In late 1977, Vietnam invaded the north-eastern part of Cambodia and demanded that land. At the same time, a group of pro-Vietnamese within the Democratic Kampuchea government attempted a coup, but it was crushed and the remaining plotters defected to Vietnam. For the sake of saving Cambodia from the "killing fields", Vietnam invaded Cambodia and installed those defectors as its puppet government. Ever since, Vietnam has been using the "genocidal Khmer Rouge" as an instrument for its 'fait-accompli' in Cambodia.

Most Cambodians appreciate this regime for bringing the Vietnamese to revive them. But after the military presence for 13 years and the relentless flow of Vietnamese settlers, they fear the "Vietnamization of Cambodia" through intermarriages, so that one day Cambodia may become a second Kampuchea Krom. Vietnamese leaders are thought to have a doctrine called “The Federation of Indochina.” This federation consists of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos but Vietnam is in charge. Today, Laos is being Vietnamized because there is no anti-Vietnamese movement.

Due to the Khmer Rouge and its coalition's resistance, Vietnam failed to achieve its goals in Cambodia. This forced Vietnam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia in September 1989, so that the trade embargo could be lifted. Should the trade embargo be lifted and Hanoi opens its country to free enterprise, then Vietnam is bound to acquire a large degree of influence over Cambodia's economics this time, rather than political and military influence.

The socialists have always wanted to dominate Cambodia, whereas the capitalists feared the expansion of communism in the region. The struggle to have veto power, added with the Cambodian leaders who always wanted to have absolute authority has left Cambodia in crisis. Cambodia also became the site of weapon testing for the super powers. Sometimes it is hard to comprehend the super powers' policy on Cambodia.

Despite the fact that the Khmer Rouge was a foe of the West, the United States itself and ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) countries pretended that they were not dealing with the Khmer Rouge in the early day of invasion, but they were supporting the rest of its coalitions in their struggle against the Vietnamese. Today the West and the world community have changed their course. They consider the Khmer Rouge as a menace to both the region and Cambodia. It is feared that the brutal regime may again come to power. Without the existence of the Khmer Rouge, in a way, Cambodia would have ceased to exist. Despite of the Khmer Rouge slaughtering thousands of Cambodians, it is still viewed by many Cambodian peasants and intellectuals as a patriotic force that is standing up to any perceived Vietnamese encroachment or colonization.

China has played the biggest role in Cambodian conflict. All along, China has been the Khmer Rouge's best friend and main supporter in both politics and weaponry. But since the collapse of communism in Europe and the Soviet Union, China fears this collapse will spread to both China and Vietnam. This has led to the normalization of relationship between Bejing and Hanoi, even though Hanoi is the main enemy of the Khmer Rouge. It is obvious that China adheres to double standards in the region because it wants a stake in the political future of Cambodia.

For years, Cambodians have been waiting for an end to their suffering and search for peace. In order for the prospect of peace to come into light, Cambodia has once again turned to the international community for help. Since 1981, Prince Norodom Sihanuk has pleaded with the world to place Cambodia under the protection of the UN trusteeship. His efforts bored fruit when the International Peace Conference on Cambodia convened in Paris on October 23, 1991. A historic day was made in Paris when the peace accord was signed by all Cambodian warring factions and 17 other countries, including Canada. The Paris Agreement provides for the formation of the Supreme National Council (SNC) as the unique legitimate body and source of authority in Cambodia during the transitional period, the verification of the withdrawal of foreign forces in all categories from Cambodia and their non-return, the total disarmament of all Cambodian parties' arm forces, the repatriation of Cambodian refugees from Thailand, and the organization of a free and fair election, to enable the Cambodian people to exercise their sacred right of self-determination.

The UN was to ensure the implementation of the Paris Agreement. This is the biggest UN operation ever undertaken. The operation is known as UNTAC (United Nation Transitional Authority in Cambodia). During the mission, UNTAC failed to achieve some of its mandates. The lack of impartiality in implementing the provisions of the treaty was one of the reasons for its failure. UNTAC and the Cambodian factions accused each other of failing to adhere to the treaty. There was also much controversy about the election process. When it comes to voting rights, UNTAC helped millions of illegal Vietnamese immigrants to register.

Nevertheless, UNTAC can not solve all Cambodian problems because they are internal matter. In spite of difficulties and accusations, UNTAC was able to hold the election from May 23 to 28 1993, in hope of bringing peace to Cambodia. However, peace seems to fade away when the losers do not accept their defeat but instead threaten to renew fighting and demand an autonomous zone. The impact of civil unrest and political upheaval are tremendous. It has weakened Cambodian unity, confidentiality and has caused them to undergo great torment. Millions of lives have been lost and the country has become a world of widows and orphans. Many families have been uprooted, torn apart and scattered around the globe, or displaced. Some have to live without freedom in refugee camps that are fenced by barbed wire, while people in the homeland are living in poverty.

Due to the prolonged fighting, the industrial and agricultural production is limited. The country's main roads and bridges are cut off and demolished. The cities have no electricity, running water or sewage systems. Cambodia is on the verge of epidemic disaster because there is an inadequate health care system. Whether there is peace or not, Cambodians are facing life with deadly land mines. It is estimated about 4 million mines are thickly sewn in the new killing field.

Definitely, Cambodians believe that in order to survive the plague of civil unrest for the past 23 years, Cambodia has to observe a policy of strict neutrality in its sovereign state. Otherwise, the true peace, freedom and democracy of Cambodia will still seem remote. The question is, will the new leaders be able to solve the internal conflict and prevent Khmer land from being absorbed by neighboring countries, or will those leaders just want power? For the future of the country, the Khmer leaders and people must sort out their differences.

Lasting peace for Cambodia also depends on the sincerity of the super powers, Vietnam and Khmer leaders. If Khmer leaders are only the puppets of outside powers, the riches of the country will be looted, the frontiers will disappear and Cambodia will cease to exist. Cambodia must not allow itself to become a 'side show ' again for the power that-be, and it is only the Khmer people themselves who can prevent this. Today, considering how intolerable the situation is, how surely it will bring about the extermination of the Khmer race in the short or long term. The logical answer to the Cambodia's conflict can be nothing but a dream, unless the foreign powers implicated in the devastating war are in Cambodia directly. Otherwise, grant the supremely unlucky Khmer people the right to self-determination.

First and foremost, Khmers have to help themselves and find ways to get along with their compatriots before the rest of the world can help them. Khmers also should not be obsessed with their past but instead live for the future. Otherwise, the tenuous peace that they are enjoying right now may soon become only a memory of the past. It is hard to forgive the perpetrators but revenge is not always the solution either. We hope that this short history of Cambodia has provided readers with a brief understanding of Cambodia's conflict.

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Khmer Society

To glimpse into the Khmer Society, we can understand that the top of the hierarchy should have been the god-king or deva-raja, surrounded by his tutors who were brahmins, and also by the members of his royal family. The priests residing in the temples were also powerful as they seem to own many lands and the paddy fields.

The stone inscription found in many temples gave some glimpses to the donors whose names were written with the titles. These donors could have been the noblemen or the dignitaries of the Khmer's ruling class responsible for the administrative and judiciary tasks, however, their titles were unfamiliar to the historians and the hierarchical ranks were not known, thus it is difficult to draw a complete table of hierarchy for the Angkor Empire.

Since the economy of the Khmer civilization was based mainly on agriculture, the majority of the people should have been the peasants or the farmers living in the villages. It was not clearly certain that there were any small landowners in the kingdom since most inscriptions often referred to large landowners of the elite class or of the temples.

The lowest hierarchy of the Khmer civilization should have been the slaves. Interestingly, there were two types of slaves in the kingdom which are worth mentioning and distinguished. As previously discussed in the chapter of "inscription", some of the Khmer stone inscriptions were found to list the names of slaves who belonged to the temples. Since their names were carefully crafted and enshrined in the holy place, they could not have been the low class slaves as its word "slave" implied. The historians believed that they were actually the temple servants and the priests who were "the slaves only to the gods", and not to any human being. In reality then, the "actual slaves" were mostly the captives from the neighboring countries, however, it was found that the Khmer people themselves could fall into the lowest status of being a "slave" if they failed to pay their rents or loans to the upper ruling class.

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Life of the Local Khmer People

The stone inscriptions found in the Angkor's region are mostly concerned with the religious related topics and rarely speak anything about the ordinary life of the local Khmer people. Only the stone carvings on the relief of Angkor Thom do portray some glimpses of the daily life in those days, however, most of our knowledge about the life of the Khmer laymen interestingly come from the Chinese Chronicle written by Zhou Daguan who was a Chinese ambassador of Yuan Dynasty. He visited the Angkor Empire in 1296 and traveled widely inside the kingdom for a year before his return. Residing with the local people in various circumstances, Zhou Daguan described quite an accurate picture about the life and activities of the laymen and enable us to project our imagination.

Zhou Daguan wrote that both men and women are breast-naked and barefooted with a piece of cloth wrapping around their waists. Ordinary females have no hair ornaments, but may wear golden rings on the fingers and bracelets on the arms. Beautiful women are always sent into the court to serve the king or his royal family....All trades in Khmer are carried out by women. In the market place, there is no shop, and the female vendors sell their goods and products on the mats which are spread on the ground. The space in the market is not free, and the rent must be paid to the officials.... the Khmer people do not have any table and chair in their house, and neither have the bowl nor the bucket. They cook their food in the earthen pots which are used for boiling rice and for preparing soup. The ladle sticks are made up from the coconut shells and the soup is served in a tiny bowl made up from the woven leaves by which the soup does not leak from the bowl.

In addition to Zhou Daguan's description, the relief carvings of Bayon add further views to the lively scene of the market. Many people walk to and fro; two bulls can be seen to pull an oxcart, some people carry their goods on the head, the dignitary on a palanquin carried by the servants, and some people ride on the horses. In the carving, well-dressed foreigners can be seen to walk among the local people.

As the palaces and the houses in the Angkor Empire were mainly made up on unendurable materials such as woods and thatched leaves, they left no traces to the present day, except the various Khmer temples which were built from bricks and stones. During those days, we can imagine the Angkor's capital such that the remarkable Khmer temples like Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom must be surrounded by the wooden houses, some with tiles on the roof while some only with thatch-leaves, and the people carried out their life in the market place. However, all these scenes had long been faded away; only the temples and the memory remain.

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Khmer Civilization

The Khmer or Angkor Civilization came into existence during the period from 802 to 1431 A.D. and stretched as far as the modern Thailand-Burma Border in the West and Wat Phou of Laos in the North during its peak.

Its emergence lies in the fact that the ancient Khmer rulers adopted a right political doctrine of its time, which enforce the unity among people. Moreover, they had developed an intelligent irrigation system to control the water of the great Mekong River for agricultures, which enhanced its prosperity. The Khmer Civilization had long been perished over 5 centuries ago, but it left outstanding monuments such as the great Khmer temples of Angkor Wat and Bayon and numerous unique sculptures like Apsara.

The word "Angkor" is derived Sanskrit, an ancient Indian language, of "Nagara" which means "City". Angkor Wat literally means "City of Temple" and Angkor Thom "The Magnificent City".

No doubts, the ancient Khmers were great masters of stone carving. As we can see today the unarguable evidences of various Angkor temples lying on the vast plain of Siemreap, or even beyond its present-day border to the Preah Vihear at Dangrek Mountain, Phnomrung and Phimai in Thailand and Wat Phu in Laos. All these were created and carefully crafts by the ancient Khmers in successive centuries. This seems to contradict with the normal and easy-going life of the local Khmer people and villagers of their time. What drive them to put such an extraordinary efforts and time will be explained in the next chapters.

The study of Khmer civilization in depth is not easy and pain-taking by the historians and archaeologists. Most of the writing, found after the excavation of Angkor, were carved in the stones which became the unperishable materials against time. Although these evidences are important for us to understand the basic constituency of Khmer society and its chronology, they were mainly concerned with religious rituals, King's praise, and literature of Indian epics of "Ramayana" and "Mahabharata". There were little things saying about the ordinary life of the local people.

Interestingly, we learn about the daily way of life of the ancient Khmers, not from the Khmer themselves, but from the Chinese annals. In the middle of 13th century during Chinese Yuan Dynasty, a Chinese ambassador named Zhou Daguan traveled to Angkor, stayed with the local villagers, and explored this empire for a year before his return. He wrote in his Chinese chronicle about this amazing empire, and explain vividly how the people lives with the clear portrayal of the Khmer society during those days.

The center of the Khmer Civilization is at the Angkor Wat area which is situated on the plain of present-day Siemreap province north of the Great Lake of Tonle Sap. Throughout the course of Khmer history, the kingship was frequently attained by violent means with bloodshed throne. There were successive capitals built by different kings in the region, not far from each others; these capitals are at area of Angkor Wat and Roluos with the different names such as Harihalara, Yasodharapura, Jayendanagari, Angkor Thom and a few unknown names.

Angkor Wat, Angkor Thom and several other Khmer temples are undoubtedly the relics of the past Khmer Civilization. In order to help travelers as well as readers to get a clearer picture of Cambodia and these temple complexes, we have put up several articles on Khmer Civilization which covers the historical background, successive eras from the beginning till the end, reasons of rise and fall of this civilization and a chronology.

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